Major
Insights
&
Findings
Note:
Number in parentheses after summary indicates the paper from which the finding
comes. All references are listed at the end of this document.
On Trade
Offs for Child Care Policy
We
suggest that (1) the percent of federally eligible families that receive child
care subsidies and (2) the dollar amount of public expenditures per subsidized
child are reasonable indicators that could be widely used to assess the trade
offs that governments make between using child care subsidies (1) to facilitate
parental work and (2) to prepare their future work force by improving services
to low-income children (18).
On
Take-Up Rates for Child Care Subsidies
Using
administrative data and survey data for states that guarantee subsidies for all
eligible families, we estimate the family-level take-up rate for child care
subsidies in the US to be around 40% in early 2000. For states that do not
guarantee subsidies, service rates for child care subsidies range
approximately from 14% in Minnesota to 50% in Massachusetts (18).
It is important to differentiate “take-up” rates from “service” rates
for child care subsidies. Take-up rates are generally only available for
programs that guarantee services to all eligible applicant families. After
welfare reform, most states do not offer such guarantees. For states that do not
guarantee child care subsidies, the proportion of the eligible population that
receives subsidies is a service rate rather than the take-up rate for child care
subsidies. Modeling service rates requires consideration of both
governmental decisions (the supply side) and families’ decisions (the demand
side) regarding child care subsidies. (18).
On
the Employment and Earnings of Child Care Subsidy Recipients
Increased
funding for child care subsidies increases the probability that current and
former welfare recipients will work. This is true even for cash assistance
recipients with substantial barriers to employment. However, current and
former cash recipients with few barriers to employment show the highest
improvement in their level of employment. (16)
(12).
Increased
funding for child care subsidies increases the earnings of low-income working
families who are not on cash assistance.(9).
On
Parental Co-Payment Scales
Requiring
families receiving child care subsidies to pay a small part of the cost of care
for their children (i.e., requiring them to make co-payments of 10% or less)
does not appear to have a detrimental effect on their earnings.
(16).
When the required family child care co-payment takes more than 10 cents out
of every extra dollar of earnings, family earnings are observed to decline.
The challenge for the states is to develop co-payment scales that prepare
low-income families to gradually assume responsibility for their children’s
care as their earnings increase and that do not discourage such families from
taking on extra work and earnings. (16)
On
Child Care Regulations
If child care standards are set at reasonable levels, they can improve the
quality of care in a community. However, if standards are set too high,
both quality and availability of child care appear to decline. An obvious
challenge faced by states is the need to set well-calibrated standards that do
not have detrimental effects on the quality or availability of child care.(2)
Minimum
child care standards can have significant impact on the availability, price, and
quality of options available in a community. They also appear to have
pervasive unexpected or “spillover” effects. (6)
(2).
Group size regulations affecting family child care providers can have a
significant effect on staff-to-child ratios at preschool centers. (This is
an example of an unexpected or spillover effect of minimum child care
standards.) Specifically, in areas where regulations limit to five the
number of children to be cared by a family child care home, staff-to-child
ratios at preschool centers are much lower (on average 1:9) than in areas that
do not regulate the maximum number of children allowed in a family child care
home (on average 1:16). (6)
(2).
On
the Information Provision Function of Resource &Referral (R&R) Agencies
Providing
information to parents through Resource and Referral (R&R) community
agencies reduces the range of prices paid for center-based child care and may
also decrease the average price for this type of care. A possible benefit of a
narrower price range in communities with R&Rs may be that parents can more
easily locate affordable care. (4).
The lower price ranges and lower average prices we have observed in communities
with R&R agencies do not appear to be associated with any increase or
decrease in the quality of center-based child care as measured by staff: child
ratios. (4)
On
Methods to Assess Unmet Need
The
Wellesley Partnership has developed both theoretically grounded and practical
methods for estimating the unmet need for child care in geographic areas.
We first developed a rigorous econometric model for estimating unmet need, which
we then refined into a shorter, more practical approach. (11)
(10).
Results
obtained with our practical approach are significantly correlated with our more
rigorous method. We are thus hopeful that our practical approach for
estimating unmet need may prove useful as a general measure. (11)
(10).
In our practical approach, we first obtain key measures of the availability and
need for services in each local area. We then compare the data from each
area against the median value on each indicator for the surrounding area (i.e.,
the county, region, or state), which serves as the standard. This method
is similar to that used by the medical profession. (11) (10).
Where
Do Parents Receiving Child Care Subsidies Work?
Our
studies of working families receiving child care subsidies indicate that most
work in the retail sector, especially in eating and drinking establishment,
particularly fast food restaurants, and grocery stores. Many others work in
nursing homes, temporary business services, department and discount stores,
hotels/motels, and cleaning services. With relatively few opportunities
for rapid advancement in these occupational areas, these families are unlikely
to be able to pay the full cost of their children’s care. (1)
We
have documented that employers of working families with child care subsidies
benefit indirectly from subsidy programs. Our experience in Florida with
the Child Care Partnership Act indicates that it is possible to encourage
employers to help share the cost of care by providing matching funds for child
care for their low-income employees. (1)
On
Child Care Quality
The
proportion of accredited center-based child care providers has increased since
1996, but in 1999 it was low in the areas we studied (about 2% in Miami-Dade
County, Florida and about 20% in Massachusetts). Very few family
child care providers in Miami-Dade and in Massachusetts were accredited in 1999.
(14)(13).
We have found evidence in Miami-Dade County that personnel working for
subsidized child care providers are significantly less likely to have
traditional educational credentials (such as a high school diploma, AA degree,
or BA degree) than personnel working for providers that do not serve subsidized
children. (13).
In Miami-Dade it appears that providers dependent on the subsidized child care
program are becoming more reliant on staff with CDA credentials and less reliant
on staff with formal educational credentials. (13).
On
Child Care Availability
We have found several demographic factors that are significant in determining
availability of child care across communities. These include: the number
of children age 5 and under in the community, employment levels, residential
stability, the ratio of adult men to women, the ratio of infants to children
under age 11, the ratio of young children to adults, and the proportion of
single working mothers. (3)
The availability of child care varies markedly across local communities. In
Massachusetts, some poor communities have a limited supply of center-based care,
especially full day care. Although there is often a better supply of
family child care in such neighborhoods, it is nevertheless more limited than in
higher-income neighborhoods. Other poor communities in Massachusetts are
reasonably well served. The same can be said of poor communities in
Miami-Dade, Florida. (3)
(11) (5).
From 1997 to 1999, the availability of preschool center-based care in
Massachusetts increased by 7%, while the availability of preschool care at
family day care homes increased by 26% and the availability of licensed school
age care increased by 49%. (14).
Growth in the availability of child care in Miami-Dade from 1996 to 1999 was
much slower, an overall 3.5% per year. In Miami-Dade growth was more rapid
for providers accepting children with child care subsidies than for providers
who did not accept them. (13)
In spite of the slow growth in the availability of child care in Miami-Dade
during the period 1996-1999, there was more than a doubling of the number of
low-income infants and toddlers with child care subsidies in formal care in MDC,
an area where cash assistance recipients are required to be active when their
youngest child is three years old. (17).
On
Child Care Prices
Child care prices vary substantially across geographic areas. For all age
groups except school age, the price of child care in Massachusetts is more than
double the price in Miami-Dade, Florida. For example, the average weekly
price of preschool care (i.e., the care of 3- to 4/5-year olds) in Massachusetts
is approximately $160 versus approximately $70 in Miami-Dade. Adjusting
for differences in the cost of living, Massachusetts’ prices for the care of
children not yet enrolled in school, even in the high-cost Boston area, remain
about 70% higher than the prices in Miami-Dade. (13)
(14).
Prices charged by providers who accept children with child care subsidies vary
widely across geographic areas. In Massachusetts these prices are slightly
lower than the prices charged by providers that do not accept children with
child care subsidies. In contrast, in Miami-Dade the prices charged by
providers participating in the subsidized child care program are higher than the
prices charged by providers that do not participate. (13)
(14).
Child care centers in both Massachusetts and Miami-Dade appear to be subsidizing
their infant and toddler programs. This helps to explain why it has been
difficult to expand the amount of infant and toddler care available. (17).
On
Subsidized Child Care Programs
The way in which subsidized child care programs operate differs markedly across
states. For example, in Massachusetts the majority of child care vouchers
issued go to cash assistance recipients, while in the Birmingham area of Alabama
most vouchers go to the income-eligible population not receiving cash
assistance. (8) (7).
Child care subsidies are used predominantly to pay for
center-based care in Miami-Dade, FL, while in Massachusetts subsidized child
care is more often provided in family child care homes (approximately 25%) and
in informal settings (approximately 25%). (13)
(14).
The proportion of child care providers accepting children with child care
subsidies varies widely across geographic areas. For example, during the
three-year period 1996 to 1999, only 28% of providers in Miami-Dade ever
accepted children with child care subsidies, while 41% of providers in
Massachusetts accepted children with subsidies. (13).
In
Miami-Dade it appears that providers dependent on the subsidized child care
program are becoming more reliant on staff with CDA credentials and less reliant
on staff with formal educational credentials. (13).
On
the Duration of Subsidized Child Care
The average duration of a “spell” of subsidized child care in Massachusetts
(as measured by voucher accounting records) is a little less than six months and
differs depending on various factors, such as type of provider, geographic area,
and type and level of reimbursement to providers. For example, in
Massachusetts a spell of subsidized child care is somewhat longer lasting when
the care is provided in centers, when provider reimbursement rates are higher,
and when “blended” reimbursement rates are applied (e.g., academic-year
programs that incorporate after-school and holiday care). (8).
Subsidized child care enrollments (as measured by administrative records) are
more durable (a year and three months on average) in the Birmingham area of
Alabama when the children come from income-eligible families not receiving cash
assistance and least durable (median length of about six months) when the
children come from families participating in the JOBS program. In
Birmingham, subsidized enrollments in child care homes are more durable
(typically lasting over a year) and least durable in centers (typically lasting
about eight months). (9).
On
the Location of Child Care
Our
studies have shown that most low-income children are cared for in or close to
their residential neighborhood. However, we have found that many of the
parents with children in subsidized care travel long distances to work.
Therefore, we have concluded that the transportation problem of low-income
families with children appears to be primarily a work transportation problem
rather than a child care transportation problem. (5).
On
Welfare Reform
Welfare reform has significantly decreased caseloads for cash assistance and
other family-support programs, but it has significantly increased the number of
children being cared for outside their home. (15).
Since welfare reform, cash assistance and child care subsidy programs have
become more diverse across states and, for a number of states, across local
areas. (15).
Referenced
Publications and Working Papers
(1)
Lee, C. W., Ohlandt, S. J., & Witte, A. D. (1996). Parents receiving
subsidized child care: Where do
they work? Tallahassee,
Florida: Florida Children's Forum. Featured
in the CHILD CARE BULLETIN, Issue 11 (October/November, 1996) of the National
Child Care Information Center, Washington, DC.
Also featured at: http://ericps.ed.uiuc.edu/nccic/ccb/ccb-so96/ccb-so96.html.
(2)
Chipty, T. & Witte, A. D. (July 1997).
An empirical investigation of firms’ responses to minimum standards
regulations. Working Paper
#6104. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Available at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w6104.
(3)
Queralt, M. & Witte, A. D. (March 1998).
Factors influencing the neighborhood supply of child care in
Massachusetts. Social Service
Review, 72(1), 17-46.
(4)
Chipty, T. & Witte, A. D. (April 1998).
Effects of information provision in a vertically differentiated
market. Working Paper #6493.
Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research.
Available at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w6493
(5)
Queralt, M. & Witte, A. D. (September 1998). A map for you? Geographic
information systems in the social services. Social Work, 43(5),
455-469.
(6)
Queralt, M. & Witte, A. D. (1999). Child
care regulations: A method to pursue social welfare goals? Children and Youth
Services Review, 21(2), 111-146.
(7)
Witt, R., Queralt, M., & Witte, A. D. (March 1999).
Duration of subsidized child care enrollments in the Birmingham areas
of Alabama: A briefing report. Working
Paper. Tallahassee, FL: Tri-State
Child Care Research Partnership and Wellesley, MA: Wellesley College Child Care
Research Partnership.
(8)
Witte, A. D. & Queralt, M. (May 1999).
Duration of subsidized child care arrangements in five areas in
Massachusetts. Working Paper.
Wellesley, MA: Wellesley Child Care Research Partnership.
(9)
Witte, A. D., Queralt, M., Chipty, T., & Griesinger, H. (June 1999). Unintended
consequences? The welfare reform "package" and the earnings of
low-income women. Working Paper
6798. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research.
Available at: http://www.acf.dhhs.gov/programs/opre/profiles.htm
(10)
Queralt, M. & Witte, A. D. (August 1999). Estimating the unmet need for
child care: A practical approach. Working
Paper 99-05. Wellesley, MA: Department of Economics, Wellesley College.
(11)
Queralt, M. & Witte, A. D. (December 1999). Estimating the unmet need for
services: A middling approach. Social
Service Review, 73 (4), 524-559.
(12)
Lemke, R., Witte, A.D., Queralt, M., &
Witt, R. (March, 2000). Child
Care and the Welfare to Work Transition. Working Paper 7583.
Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Available at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w7583
(13)
Queralt, M.; Witte, A.D., & Griesinger, H.
(July 2000). Championing
Our Children: Changes in Quality, Price, and Availability of Child Care in the
Welfare Reform Era. Working
Paper #2000-07. Wellesley, MA:
Department of Economics, Wellesley College.
Available at: http://www.wellesley.edu/Economics/wkpapers/index.html
(14)
Witt, Robert; Queralt, M., & Witte, A.D.
(November 2000). Measuring
changes in Child Care Availability, Quality and Price in Massachusetts between 1997 and 1999. Working Paper
#200-12 . Wellesley, MA: Department
of Economics, Wellesley
College. Available at: http://www.wellesley.edu/Economics/wkpapers/index.html
(15)
Loprest, P., Schmidt, S., & Witte, A. D. (2000).
Welfare
reform under PRWORA: Aid to children with working families, Tax Policy and
the Economy, 14, 157-203. Available at: http://www.wellesley.edu/Economics/wkpapers/index.html
(16)
Queralt, M., Witte, A. D., & Griesinger, H. (December 2000).
Changing policies,
changing impacts: Employment and earnings of child care subsidy recipients in
the era of welfare reform. Social Service Review, 74 (4), 588-619.
(17)
Witte, A.D., Queralt, M., Witt, R., & Griesinger, H. (July 2001).
The Policy Context and Infant and Toddler Care in the Welfare Reform
Era. Working paper 2001-04.
Wellesley, MA: Department of Economics, Wellesley College. Revised April 2002. Available at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w8893
(18) Witte, A.D., & Queralt, M.
(March 2002). Take-Up Rates and
Trade Offs After the Age of Entitlement: Some Thoughts and Empirical Evidence
for Child Care Subsidies. Working
Paper. Cambridge, MA: National
Bureau of Economic Research.vailable at: http://www.nber.org/papers/w8886