"While the language may be lovely and the reasoning just, the ideas themselves may prove trivial." -Lu Chi (from Wen Fu)

Writing Prizes:
Winning Essays

Three Generations Prize for Writing in the Social Sciences

The Politics of School Choice: the Unusual Coalitions of the Voucher Movement"

Ella Gao '01

Vouchers have increasingly become a popular form of education reform in this nation. Both Milwaukee and Cleveland have private voucher programs, and Florida recently instituted a program, where students of public schools that have "failed" 2 years in a row, will be given vouchers to attend any institution they wish.

During Election 2000 voucher initiatives were on ballot proposals in both Michigan and California, and Texas, New Mexico, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Arizona have either considered or are considering vouchers in some form (Koch 4/9/00). The annual Phi Delta Kappa /Gallup poll of the public's attitudes toward public schools also shows that as high as 45 percent of respondents believe that the government should pay entirely or at least a portion of the tuition for those who choose nonpublic schools (Lowell and Gallup 9/00).

Despite the public attention vouchers have received however, only 3 areas of the country have legislatively approved of publicly funded vouchers-Milwaukee, Cleveland, and Florida. The Michigan and California proposals were both defeated with 70 percent of voters opposed (Irwin 11/8/00; Folmar and Bazeley 11/9/00).

If vouchers are so popular then why are they not being approved by in state legislatures referendums?

The ability to advance issues is incredibly significant for without visible supporters an issue loses momentum and appeal. Political scientist John Kingdom stresses the importance of policy entrepreneurs in promoting issues. When a policy window opens, they should be ready with ideas and proposals. In fact, "An item's chances for moving up on an agenda are enhanced considerably by the presence of a skilled entrepreneur, and dampened considerably if no entrepreneur takes on the cause, pushes it, and makes the critical couplings when a policy windows open" (Kingdon 1984 214). Although the popularity of the voucher issue displays the opening of a policy window, pro-voucher entrepreneurs have not been able to push vouchers effectively. Their distinctive motivations for supporting vouchers and widely diverging political ideologies have affected their abilities to work together. Anti-voucher forces on the other hand are well-organized and well-funded. They include most Democrats, teacher's unions, suburbanites, a few conservatives, and members and supporters of organizations like the ACLU.

Furthermore, factions within the communities themselves make voucher advocacy even more complex. While poor African-Americans support vouchers, the organizations that supposedly represent blacks as a whole, the NAACP and the Urban League do not. While the Catholic hierarchy has defended vouchers, the laity is less enthusiastic.

The issue of vouchers is also a significant beyond education reform because it presents important lessons in coalition building. Kingdon asserts that while actual politicians are crucial to the passage of a proposal, an issue must be pushed by a variety of players including academics, general public opinion, interest groups, and even the mass media, which may provide intense coverage on an issue. Consensus building is particularly important as fragmentation can prove to be a major impediment to policy proposals. Kingdon writes, "A more closely knit community generates common outlooks, orientations, and ways of thinking" (1984 126). If people have a "common language", they are better able to communicate with one another.

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